Russia’s ‘strategy on fighting extremism’ is a threat to all Ukrainians on occupied territory

Russia has long used dangerously broad legislation against so-called ‘extremism’ as a weapon of political and religious persecution in occupied Crimea.  Its latest version of a ‘strategy on countering extremism in 2025’ is, the Crimean Human Rights Group warns, a danger to any Ukrainian citizens living under Russian occupation.

The new ‘strategy’ was signed by Russian leader Vladimir Putin on 28 December 2024, and updates a similar document “up to 2025” which was signed into law on 29  May 2020, before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.  Interestingly, Russia’s very loose definition and broad application of the term ‘extremism’ is essentially admitted in the Strategy.  It is claimed, however, that this is because of “the diversity of its manifestations, the varied makeup of extremist organizations, the activities of which threaten the Russian Federation’s national security”.

Russia is claiming that foreign ‘extremist threats’ are seen in the support “by hostile states and NGOs of extremist activities aimed at the destabilization of the socio-political and socio-economic situation in the RF, the violation of the unit y and territorial integrity of the RF”.

It is worth deconstructing such Russian newspeak.  Since the aggressor state is not only occupying Ukrainian territory but is claiming that such territory has ‘joined the Russian Federation’, the mere confirmation that the occupied territory is Ukrainian, as recognized by the UN and all democratic states, will be designated as ‘extremist’.  In fact, Russia introduced criminal charges for use in such cases soon after its invasion of Crimea, and several Crimean Tatars, other Ukrainians and some Russians have been convicted and even imprisoned for supposed ‘denial of Russia’s territorial integrity’ by rightly calling Crimea part of Ukraine. . 

The Strategy is also aimed at fighting what is called “falsification of world history, and a reassessment of the role and place of Russia in it; unlawful attempts to the cultural-historical heritage of the RF”

On all Ukrainian territory that Russia has seized, it has pushed a false narrative about the territory’s supposed ‘’Russian roots’.  Any attempts to dispute such Russian rewriting of historical facts will also be clamped down upon as ‘extremist activities’ or ‘extremist ideology’. 

That much of the document is particularly aimed against Ukraine is evident.  It is claimed, for example, that “serious threats of an extremist nature arise from the wide circulation of the ideas of neo-Nazism; the intensification of radical, nationalist armed formations (including in Ukraine), supporting criminal activities on Russian territory, including sabotage – terrorist attacks against people and civic targets, with the involvement in these criminal activities of Russian citizens.”

A key task in countering so-called extremism is “the elimination of the source of threats of an extremist nature arising from Ukrainian territory and preventing representatives of foreign and international extremist and neo-Nazi organizations from penetrating Russian territory”.

Putin’s claim on 24 February 2022 that Russia’s full-scale invasion and bombing of Ukrainian cities was aimed at “the denazification and demilitarization of Ukraine” was met with anger and condemnation from Ukrainian and international Jewish organizations and with bemusement from the international community.  The term ‘radical, nationalist armed formations’ is, in many cases, referring to regiments of Ukraine’s Armed Forces.  Russia has been using dodgy rulings passed by its politically complaint Supreme court, declaring such regiments to be ‘extremist’ or ‘terrorist’ as excuse for fake ‘trials’ and horrific sentences against Ukrainian prisoners of war or civilian hostages, abducted from occupied territory and sentenced for having defended Donbas back in the first years of Russia’s aggression.

Clarification is also required for Russia’s claims about sabotage and terrorist acts supposedly on Russian territory.  This is referring either to resistance by Ukrainian nationals on Ukrainian territory against a foreign invader, or to claims that such acts of resistance had been planned, yet thwarted, with this used as a method of terror against the civilian population.   Here too, Russia has abducted, tortured and imprisoned Ukrainian civilians from occupied territory, with some noted to have been tortured to death for their opposition to Russia’s invasion.  In other cases, fake ‘trials’ have been staged, with civilians sentenced to huge terms of imprisonment on fabricated charges.  Iryna Horobtsova, for example, was seized from her home in Kherson by armed Russians on her 37th birthday in May 2022.  She was illegally imprisoned in occupied Crimea, with the Russians admitting only that she was imprisoned for opposing their invasion of her country.  Two years later, they came up with insane ‘spying’ charges which she would have had to carry out from Russian prison.

Crimean Human Rights Group ;CHRG’ analyst Iryna Sedova notes the use of hate speech in many parts of the document against Ukrainians as a national group.  She warns that implementation by public bodies of such aspects will target any Ukrainians.  “In 2025, therefore, the struggle at a legislative level against Ukrainians has become the RF’s strategic aim”, she warns.

The Strategy’s definition of ‘russophobic’ is broad enough to be applied against any Ukrainians on occupied territory who do not support Russia.  

The general provisions of the Strategy make it clear that the actions listed in the document are deemed to contain ‘extremism’ or ‘radicalism’ only in cases where they are against the Russian Federation.  Sedova points out that such a formulation could lead to children and their guardians being labelled ‘extremists’ merely for continuing online-studies according to the Ukrainian curriculum while living in occupied territory.  Since February 2022, it has become dangerous to even play some Ukrainian songs, including the nationalist anthem, in occupied Crimea, with the occupation regime bringing absurd charges and compliant ‘judges’ jailing people for short periods or imposing fines.  In many cases, the occupation regime has opted both for charges of displaying ‘prohibited symbols’ (even used for displaying the Ukrainian flag) or of ‘discrediting the Russian armed forces’ and others actively waging Russia’s war against Ukraine.

The new version of the Strategy specifically mentions so-called ‘discrediting of the RF armed forces’ and calls this one of the methods of manipulating public opinion.  This, it claims, is used to destabilize the general political and socio-economic situation in Russia and “to strengthen radical and extremist moods in Russian society.”  Two norms, one of the administrative code, the other a criminal charge, were rushed into legislation (together with norms about so-called ‘military fakes’ on 4 March 2022, just ten days after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.  The Crimean Human Rights Group notes that there have been 993 administrative charges against Crimeans, with anything from a “No to war” sign, a Ukrainian song or for saying ‘Glory to Ukraine’ treated as ‘discrediting the Russian armed forces’.  

It is clear, just looking at the books which Russia has prohibited as ‘extremist’ in occupied Donbas that its “strategy for countering extremism” in occupied Ukraine is, in fact, about fighting historical truth about Ukraine and trying to crush Ukrainian culture and identity.

Olha Skrypnyk, CHRG Head, believes that the Strategy contains “clear updated instructions for the Russian security service on how to persecute Ukrainian citizens, crush resistance on occupied territory and destroy any demonstrations of Ukrainian identity, with this totally in accordance with the aims of the Russian Federation’s genocidal war against Ukraine.”